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Today’s newsletter looks at how US spending on climate damage has grown to nearly $1 trillion per year and what this means for the businesses that provide services around disaster preparation and repairs. You can share this story with your friends and followers on Bloomberg.com.

Also, as the US prepares for more extreme weather this summer, read our interview with the former head of the Federal Emergency Management Agency on criticisms FEMA has faced.

The business of disaster

By Eric Roston

The US has spent nearly $1 trillion dollars on disaster recovery and other climate-related needs over the 12 months ending May 1, according to an analysis released Monday by Bloomberg Intelligence. That’s 3% of GDP that people likely would have spent on goods and services they’d prefer to have, and amounts to “a stealth tariff on consumer spending,” analysts write. 

Hurricane Helene struck Florida in late September 2024 as the most powerful storm ever to hit the state’s panhandle. Its rampage was followed a week and a half later by Hurricane Milton. Those two storms caused $113 billion in damage, according to the National Oceanic and Atmospheric Administration. The Los Angeles fires in January added another $65 billion to the national total. 

The new report, “The Climate Economy: 2025 Outlook,” draws on data from dozens of public sources to demonstrate the volume of disaster-related spending, which represents $18.5 trillion globally since 2000. The biggest drivers of this trend in the US are insurance premiums — which have doubled since 2017 — post-disaster repair spending and federal aid. 

Read more: US Home Insurance Priced Too Low for Climate Risks

Overall, increased climate costs from insurance premiums, power outages, disaster recovery and uninsured damage are responsible for $7.7 trillion, or 36%, of US GDP growth since 2000. Risks are rising both from climate change, as it increases the severity and frequency of extreme weather, and from development that is insufficiently focused on resilience. 

Andrew John Stevenson, a Bloomberg Intelligence senior analyst, assembled a basket of 100 companies that have stood to gain from this spending. The firms, which span sectors from insurance to engineering, materials and retail, together outperformed the S&P index by 7% in each of the last three years. 

Insurance is a “hidden burden of the climate economy,” write Stevenson and Eric Kane, director of ESG research for Bloomberg Intelligence. Wind, water and fires led insurers to raise premiums by as much as 22% in 2023 alone. They may rise again more than 6% this year. These costs are not included in the Consumer Price Index, which means that national spending on housing, thought to be about 35.5% of the total, may actually be higher than 40%.

Federal spending covered as much as a third of climate-related costs, for both disaster prevention and recovery, until 2016. The share has fallen in the last couple of years to only around 2%, and federal budget freezes and proposed cuts may diminish the outlook further. That puts stricken communities at greater need to issue general debt — which their post-disaster economies may not always be resilient enough to pay off. 

Read the full story on Bloomberg.com. 

One question with...Craig Fugate

By Leslie Kaufman

President Donald Trump has repeatedly said he intends to whittle down or phase out the Federal Emergency Management Agency, and last week he gave a rough timeline for that: “after hurricane season.”

“We want to wean off of FEMA, and we want to bring it down to the state level,” Trump told reporters on June 10 during a briefing in the Oval Office.

Calls to reform FEMA — as it responds to more frequent climate-driven disasters — aren’t new. Previous laws and proposals have tried to encourage states to be more independent and to carry out more pre-disaster mitigation. Nor are concerns over the agency’s costs and bureaucracy unique to Trump and his allies. Last month, two members of Congress released a draft of a bipartisan bill that would amend the Stafford Act to address some long-running criticisms of FEMA. The draft bill was released by Missouri Republican Sam Graves and Washington Democrat Rick Larsen, who are the chairman and ranking member, respectively, of the House Committee on Transportation and Infrastructure.

Bloomberg Green recently spoke with Craig Fugate, who ran FEMA for eight years under President Barack Obama. Fugate said the agency “was never intended” to do some of what it does today and weighs in on some ways it might reform. 

Then-FEMA Administrator Craig Fugate, left, talks to President Barack Obama at FEMA’s National Response Coordination Center in Washington, DC, on Oct, 7, 2013.  Photographer: Shawn Thew/EPA

Given that FEMA is likely to stay around in some form, what are some of the changes to it that have the most chance of actually being enacted?

Well, there is the Public Assistance Program, which is the reimbursement to state and local governments and eligible nonprofits and faith-based institutions — the last [group] was added in the first Trump administration — to rebuild. And the rap on that is the complexity of administering it.

Take a fire station that is destroyed in a flood and has no insurance. FEMA would reimburse the local government 75% of the cost of rebuilding. But there’s lots of caveats. FEMA has to look at what was the condition of the station, how big it was. Then they would agree to replace the station as it was, and build in a little bit of mitigation, maybe elevating it.

When this is finally resolved, the city has to go out and get bids. FEMA has to review that and approve a design. And then the city has to go out and get financing. They have to start the construction. In each step, FEMA goes back and reviews the work being done, and they actually will send inspectors out to the job site to make sure that the station is being built back the way the approvals say it was.

If the city says, “Hey, that fire station got flooded, so we want to move it,” that’s more paperwork. If they say, “Hey, we need to add another bay, since the fire station was too small in the first place,” FEMA will not approve the new bay. The locality has to pay for that out of pocket, and that will have to be kept separate from the reimbursement for the primary replacement. And this process can drag on for years.

So what is being proposed in the House bill is what they call an alternative project. Essentially, it says, “We’re going to treat this like an insurance policy: You’re going to come up with an estimate of what it’s going to take to replace that station, based upon the current costs, and if you can get the designer of that replacement to put their seal on it, we’ll [give] you 75% of that, and we’re done.”

If you took the House [draft] bill and you fully implemented it, you could probably do everything that FEMA does today with a substantially reduced workforce. The [contract] recovery workforce can be anywhere from 10,000 to 20,000 people, depending on how many disasters are being closed out. And some of these disasters are decades old, and you’re still paying contractors to handle the reimbursement and management of those grants.

There is also much tougher language [in the draft bill] about insurance requirements. If FEMA pays you out to rebuild after a disaster, you have to get coverage. You can’t come back again. That also incentivizes mitigation, since you’ll be paying insurance and repairs yourself.

One question not enough? Read the full interview

Who's left

200
FEMA, which already started the year short-staffed,  fired about this many people by mid-February. At least 1,000 of the agency’s roughly 22,000 employees have raised their hand for early departures, according to former FEMA chief of staff Michael Coen.

Predicting chaos

"It is a disaster waiting to happen."
Robert Verchick
A climate legal expert at Loyola University in New Orleans who lived in the city during Hurricane Katrina
Experts like Verchick say FEMA faces an uphill battle responding to new storms and fires with far fewer staff and an interim leader who lacks emergency management experience.

America’s new language of climate denial

By Eric Roston and Brian Kahn

For years, President Donald Trump has denied the science behind global warming. Since the start of his second term, however, his administration has leaned less on climate denial and more on what might be called climate dismissal: diminishing, ridiculing or rejecting the idea that climate change is worth any effort to study or try to slow.

They’ve engaged in what Jennifer Mercieca, a professor of communication and journalism at Texas A&M University, calls “frame warfare”—dramatically recasting the words used to describe a topic in an attempt to change people’s perceptions. Whether the evidence for global warming is called “unequivocal,” as scientists and governments agree that it is, or “crap,” as the US defense secretary has called it, can shape a listener’s likelihood to take action or obstruct it.

From promoting “beautiful clean coal” to referring to climate action as an “extremism ideology,” Bloomberg Green decodes the Trump administration’s verbiage in the latest issue of Businessweek. Read the full story here

Photo illustration: 731; Photos: Getty Images; Bloomberg

More from Green

Shares of US solar companies fell sharply after Senate Republicans released a bill that would end clean energy tax credits earlier than expected, dashing hopes that major cuts passed by the House wouldn’t stick.

Sunrun Inc., the largest US rooftop panel installer, plunged as much as 38%. SolarEdge Technologies Inc. fell 31%. Enphase Energy Inc slid 21%.

The new version of the bill released by the Senate Finance Committe would end incentives for wind and solar in 2028. Tax breaks for other sources of power, such as nuclear, hydropower and geothermal, would be allowed to remain until being phased out in 2036, according to a summary of the legislation. 

“It appears Senate Finance has taken this bill from a flat D to a solid D+ for the clean energy industry,” said Ethan Zindler, an analyst with BloombergNEF and a Treasury Department official during the administration of former US President Joe Biden. “And that may be with a bit of grade inflation factored in.”

Solar panels on the roof of a home in Tucson, Arizona. Photographer: Rebecca Noble/Bloomberg

Meanwhile, a new study finds solar remains the cheapest and fastest source of electricity for US grids, even as artificial intelligence drives an unexpected surge in demand. The analysis from Lazard Inc. finds deploying utility-scale solar costs around $38 to $78 a megawatt-hour, versus $107 for the most efficient type of natural gas.

China is relaxing import regulations on scrap, a move that will support recycling of battery metals and help speed the green transition in the steel market. The new rules could raise scrap imports to 1 million or 2 million tons a year, up from less than 250,000 tons in 2024.

Australia set new guidelines on the types of projects eligible for sustainable finance, aiming to accelerate investment in emissions reduction in polluting industries like agriculture, mining and energy.

Worth a listen

High-voltage electricity cables are in huge demand around the world, so much so that a lack of cabling has become a bottleneck throttling the clean energy transition. So why are cable manufacturers so hesitant to expand? Also, how are these giant cables made? And is China about to eat everyone’s lunch? Claes Westerlind, chief executive officer of cable manufacturing company NKT, joins the latest episode of the Zero podcast to discuss. This is the third episode in Bottlenecks, a series exploring the lesser known obstacles standing in the way of our electrified future. Listen now, and subscribe on AppleSpotify, or YouTube to get new episodes of Zero every Thursday.

Wind turbines and electricity towers during sunset. Photographer: Bloomberg Creative Photos/Bloomberg Creative Collection

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